Influences of ‘Allāma Muḥammad Iqbāl on Thoughts of Dr. Isrār Aḥmad

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad(d:1431A. H/2010A. D) admits this fact that his personality is deeply influenced by Dr. ‘Allāma Muḥammad Iqbāl(d:1357A. H/1938A. D). In his book titled Da‘vat Rujū‘ ilā al-Qur’ān kā Manẓar-o-Pasmanẓar, he writes:

            “The foremost and the deepest imprint on my mind is that of late ‘Allāma Iqbāl’s Urdu Poetry as I spent my high school life (1941-1947A. D) in reading and humming of bāng-e-darā, bāl-e-Jibra’īl, zarb-e-Kalīm and verses of armughān-e-Ḥijāz. This aroused in me a national passion so I, in that era, found the only like-minded group of the Muslim League, associated myself as per my little ability with the Muslim Students Federation- a body of the Muslim League movement. [1]

            At another point in the same book, he further writes:

            “No denying the fact that like howal awwalo wal ākhiro, my thoughts and vision have the initial and final impact of late ‘Allāma Iqbāl; the former mostly being ‘passionate’ with the outcome of ‘Passion for the Community’ whereas the latter is purely ‘Conceptual’; thus, my concept has the objectivity of “Studying the Qur’ān in the background of Modern Concepts” or “Analysis and Review of the Modern Thoughts in the Light of the Qur’ān”. [2]

            The above lines explain that the vision of Dr. Isrār Aḥmad(d:1431A. H/2010A. D) had the initial impact on ‘Allāma Iqbāl’s personality. The thoughts propounded by Dr. Isrār Aḥmad all his life have the footprints leading to the poetry of Iqbāl.

Political System in Islām

Politically, ‘Allāma Iqbāl was strictly against a democratic government as he says:

 tou nay kiā dekhā nahi maghrib kā Jamhōri nizām?

chehra roshan andrōn changez se tāreek tar!

(Have’nt you seen the democratic system of the West, with faces bright and the inner gravely darker than Changez!)[3]

and

deo istabdād jamhōry qubā mein pāiy kob

tu samajhtā hae yeh āzādī kī hae nīlum parī[4]

‘Allāma Iqbāl was in favour of Khilāfat System.

tā khilāfat kī binā dunyā main ho phir ustawār

lā kahīn sey dhōnd kr aslāf kā qalb-o-jigar[5]

When Kamāl ‘Aṭā Turk dismissed Khilāfat-e-Uthmāniah, ‘Allāma Iqbāl expressed in this way:

chāk kr de Turk nādān nain khilāfat kī qubā

sādgī muslim kī daikh aouron kī ‘ayyārī bhī daikh[6]

In niẓām-e-khilāfat, obedience to Almighty Allāh is established instead of individual or public representatives. Iqbāl says:

sarwarī zaibā faqat us zāt-e-bay hamtā ko hae

ḥukmarān hae ik wohī bāqī butān-e-āzrī[7]

‘Allāma Iqbāl was of the view that Islamic state is not a national state . He considered it an ideological state and warned Indian muslims that

guftār-e-siyāsat mein waṭan aur hī kuch hae

farmān-e-nabuat mein waṭan aur hī kuch hae[8]

‘Allāma Iqbāl’s poem “Waṭniyat” is categorical in this regard:

is dour mein mai aur hae jām aur hae jam aur

sāqī ne binā kī ravish luṭf-o-sitam aur

muslim ne bhī t‘amīr kiyā apnāḥaram aur

tahzīb key Āzar ne tarashwa’i ṣanam aur

in tazah khudāo’n mein barha sab say waṭan hae

Jo pairhan is kā hai wo mazhab kā kafan hae

yeh bōt kih tarāshīdah tahzīb-e-nawī hae

ghārat gar kāshāna-e-dīn-e-nabavī hae

bāzō terā tauḥīd kī quwwat sey qavī hae,

islām terā dais hae tou muṣṭafvī hae,

(Your arm is strong enough due to the strength of Monotheism, Islām is your abode and you are Muṣṭafā’ite)

naẓara-e-derīnah zamāney ko dekhā dey,

aye Muṣṭafavī khāk mein is bōt ko milā dey!

The last verse of this poem is as follows:

aqwām mein makhlōq-e-Khudā but’tī hae is sey,

qaumiyat-e-Islām kī jarh kat’tī hae is sey!

(This makes humankind split up, and the Islamic community too at its roots)-[9]

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad blatantly says about the Political System of Islām:

            “Islamic state is a state of ideology principally based on faith and constitutionally or legally based on Islām. ”[10]

About complete sovereignty, he says, “In an Islamic state, sovereignty belongs to Allāh”

            If one surrenders back to Allāh completely what HE has delegated to him, then it will be termed as Islām at the individual level and the same will be at the collective platform when a Muslim nation or an Islamic state submits to Allāh at the national level taking up a collective decision. [11]

            Like ‘Allāma Iqbāl(d:1357A. H/1938A. D), Dr. Isrār Aḥmad(d:1431A. H/2010A. D) never believes in the democracy that takes up decisions with complete disregard to the Commandments of Allāh. Dr. Isrār Aḥmad(d:1431A. H/2010A. D)was a great ‘Dā‘īof Khilāfat’, so he writes:

            “A logical conclusion to accept supreme sovereignty of Allāh is derived from the word Khilāfat in the Qur’ān, i.e., a logical inference of Allāh’s sovereignty is Khilāfat. ’’[12]

            ‘Allāma Iqbāl presented an image of “Collective Khilafāt” and declared the entire earth as that of Allāh , so he said:

is sey barh kr aur kiā fikr-o-‘amal kā inqalāb?

bādshāhon kī nahī Allāh kī hae yeh zamīn! [13]

(What else could be the revolution in concept and act?

 This land belongs to Allāhand, not to the kings!)

Dr. Isrār Aḥmad also believed in Collective Khilāfat, so he writes:

            “In Islām, the principle of “Popular Vicergerency” (Khilāfat-e-‘Āmmah) instead of Collective Khilāfat is applicable. The ideal role model of this Khilafat we can see in Khilāfat-e-Rāshidah-an unmatchable concept of state. [14]

            ‘Allāma Iqbāl in his lectures has reiterated that, in the current era, Ijtihād will be through the benches of the Parliament. He says, “The transfer of the power of Ijtihād from individual representatives of schools to a Muslim legislative assembly which in view of the growth of opposing sects, is the only possible form Ijma‘ can take in modern times, will secure contributions to legal discussion from laymen who happen to possess a keen insight into affairs. ” [15]

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad says, “To my mind, opinion of ‘Allāma Iqbāl with regard to Ijtihād is 100% right that Ijtihād will be through Parliament but it does not mean that it will be done by the Parliamentarians. It actually implies that Parliament will finalize which type of Ijtehād and by whom will earn the status of Law. ” [16]

            As per Dr. Isrār Aḥmad, in case there occur differences among the scholars, the decision by the Parliament will be final and the same was the thinking of ‘Allāma Iqbāl.

Economic System of Islām

            As regards Economy, ‘Allāma Iqbāl vehemently detested the capitalization and feudalism:

khwājah az khōn-e-rag-e-mazdōr sāzad l‘al-e-nāb

az jafā’-e-deh khudāyan kusht daehqānān-e-kharāb

Inqalāb! Inqalāb! Aye Inqalāb! [17]

“The Capitalist has arranged liquor for himself by distilling blood out of the veins of the Labor resulting in the devastation of his crop, hence the need for a Revolution!”

‘Allāma Iqbāl heaves a deep sigh on looking at the curse of Capitalism:

jāntā hun yeh Ummat ḥāmil-e- Qur’ān nahī,

hae wohī sarmāyah dārī bandah-e-momin kā Dīn! [18]

(Know fully well that this Ummah is not the bearer of the Qur’ān but the entire dependence by the faith bearer is on capitalism instead)

About the ‘Interest’(Ribā) which is the root-cause and basis of Capitalism, he adds:

ẓahir main tijārat hai ḥaqīqat mein juā hai

sōd aik kā lākhōn key liye marg-e-mafājāt[19]

About the banks dealing with ‘Interest’ (Riba), Iqbāl has expressed in the following words:

ein banūk ein fikr chālāk Yahōd

nūr-e-ḥaq az sīna-e-Ādam rabōd

tā taeh-o-bāla na gardad ein niẓām

dānish wa tahzīb wa Dīn saudā-e-khām [20]

            “These banks are the outcome of wicked thinking of the Jews which has deprived the inner of humankind of spiritual values and illumination. It is pointless to talk of civilization, wisdom, and faith unless the Ribā System is put to an end. ”

            About Feudalism, Iqbāl expresses his hatred in the following words:

jis khait sey daehqān ko muyassar na ho rozī

us khait key har khosha-e-gandum ko jalā do! [21]

“A farm that cannot earn farmer a livelihood, burn every twig of the wheat-farm”

and

khudāān miltey ra sarwarī dād

eh taqdīrish badast-e-khwaish banosht

ba ān milat sarokāre nadārad

keh daehqānish brāey dīgran kusht[22]

            “Allāh installs a nation on the throne that writes its fate by its own hands and HE does not care for the one whose men harvest for the others”

            One can see the reflections of ‘Allāma Iqbāl’s thoughts while examining the views of Dr. Isrār Aḥmad relating to the Islamic Economy System.

            Dr. Isrār vowed openly against the system of Ribā, Feudalism, and Capitalism quoting verses by ‘Allāma Iqbāl. [23]

Social System of Islām

Socially, ‘Allāma Iqbāl strongly advocates equity of humankind:

tamīz banda-o-āqa fasād-e-ādamiyat hae

haḍr! Aye chīra-e-dastan sakht haen fiṭrat kī t‘azīrein[24]

and

aik hīṣaff mein kharhay ho gaey Maḥmūd-o-Ayyaz

nā koi bandah rahā aur nā koi bandah nawāz![25]

            With reference to the social system, ‘Allāma Iqbāl strongly believed in covering the women; his verses explain this fact. Iqbāl felt aggrieved because of the poets and artists who misuse the name of the fair sex to molest their purity of mannerism, elevation, and objectivity. In a poem, he says:

chashm-e-Ādam sey chupātey haen muqamāt buland,

kartey haen rūh ko khoābīdah, badan ko bedār [26]

            “the elevated points are concealed from the human eye, causing the spirits to die down and the body to arouse”

            ‘Allāma Iqbāl considers Fāṭimah al- Zahrah an ‘Examplary Female’ for the women of Islamic Community and invariably reiterates to follow her:

muzr‘a tasleem rāḥāsil baṭūl (R)

mādrān rā uswa-e-kāmil batūl (R)

ān adab parwardah-e-ṣabr-o-raḍā

āsiya gardān wa labQur’ān sarā[27]

fiṭrat-e-tou jazba hā dārad buland

chashm-e-hosh az uswa-e-Zahrah muband

tāḤusainiye shākh tou bār āward

mausam Peshīn bā gulzār āward [28]

agar banday zā darveshay pazīrī

haḍar ummat bamerad tou na merī

batūley bāsh wa pinhān showāzen athar

keh dar āghosh shabīray bagīrī[29]

larkiyan parh rahi haen angrezī

dōndh lī Qaum ne falāḥ kī rāh

rawish maghrabī hae madd-e-naẓar

waz‘a mashriq ko jāntey haen gunāh

yeh drāmah dikhāey gā kiā sīn?

pardah uthne kī muntaẓir hae nigāh[30]

            Iqbāl accepts the same life profile of the women as is admissible in the Islamic way of life by which the women folk being in the customized cloak (long veil) earned more respect and reverence than today. By observing a religious purdah, they actively participated in all activities of life.

            In 1330A. H/1912A. D during the battle of Tripoli, he happened to find a role model of an Arabian girl Fāṭimah daughter of ‘Abdallāh who was martyred while offering drinking water to the warriors; he said these verses in utter condolence:

Fāṭimah! go shabnam afshan ānkh terey gham mein hae,

naghma ‘ishrat bhī apney nāla-e-mātam mein hae,

raqs teri khāk kā kitnā nishāt angaiz hae!

zarrah zarrah zindgī key sōz sey labraiz hae,

hae koi hangāmah terī turbat-e-khāmosh mein,

pal rahī hae ik qaum tazah is āghosh mein![31]

“O’ Fāṭimah! In grief is the dew shedding for you,

a glimpse of ease in the chorus of sorrow,

your dust dances are so charming,

but each particle is full of life-agony,

there seems an upheaval in your grave,

besides an upbringing of fresh generation in your lap!”

            Dr. Iqbāl addressing daughters of the community says that the attractiveness and the makeup of the women amount to kufr; instead, their person, revolutionary nature, purity of vision should discourage the false expectations of the vice.

baehl aye dukhtarak ein dilbarī hā,

Musalman rā nā zebād kāfrī hā,

maniya dil bar jamāl ghāzah parward,

bia moz az nigāh ghārat gare hā! [32]

            Supporting and seconding the Cover (pardah), Iqbāl has written a poem titled Khalwat which means that on account of the cover, a woman with concentration gets a chance to utilize her potentials for upbringing the generations and understanding their own self. They, being amidst the peace of their home, get the facility of understanding the issues of life as well as the social problems and this way they may perform well for their self and for the others too;

ruswā kiyā is daur ko jalwat kī hawwis ne,

raushan hae nigah āena dil hae mukaddar,

barh jātā hae jab zauq-e-naẓar apnīḥadōn sey,

ho jātey haen afkār prāgandah-o-abtar,

aghōsh ṣadaf jis key naṣībōn mein nahīn hae,

woh qaṭra-e-nīsan kabhī bantā nahin gauhar,

khalwat mein khudī hotī hae khud gīr wa laekin,

khalwat nahin ab dīr-o-ḥaram mein bhī moyassar![33]

‘Allāma Iqbāl believed in the supremacy of man:

Nay pardah na t‘alīm na’i ho keh purānī,

Niswāniyyat-e-zan kā nigehbān hae faqaṭ mard!

jis qaum ne is zindah haqīqat ko na pāyā,

us qaum kā khurshīd bahut jald huā zard![34]

            Like ‘Allāma Iqbāl, in the social system of Islām, Dr. Isrār Aḥmad also believed that all humans are equal. No one has any superiority over the other neither on the basis of birth, generation, or sex. [35]

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad believed in the religious cover by the women; besides, he vehemently advocated the supremacy of the male. At a point, he says:

            “It is the height of creativity by the Creator that He blessed the male with potentials of dynamism and the female with the ability of assistance. Dynamism and supportive aspect both are equally important for running this universal setup and the life cycle. Both have their important place in their respective spheres and areas. If they now try to interfere in each other’s orbit and action areas or try to push and pull in the delegated powers, there is bound to be a disorder and imbalance, ”[36]

            With respect to Satr-o-Ḥijāb (Woman’s Cover), Dr. Isrār Aḥmad like ‘Allāma Iqbāl had a point-blank contention; so at a point, he writes:

            “Qur’ān-o-Sunnah has laid down complete rules and regulations relating to Satr-o-Ḥijāb in detail without any ambiguity. The true place of a woman is her home as enunciated byQur’ān-o-Ḥadīth. I would rather add that any one who has a little knowhow of the religion and has a fear of Allāh in his heart will not be able to challenge my claim. [37]

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad with regard to the Islamic social setup sought guidance fromQur’ān-o-Ḥadīth and from thoughts of ‘Allāma Iqbāl.

Islamic Revolution

            Anyone going through the stages of revolution as stated by Dr. Isrār Aḥmad, feels that these stages have been derived from the verses of ‘Allāma Iqbāl. In view of ‘Allāma Iqbāl, the first stage of struggle for the Islamic Revolution is that the Qur’ān should penetrate into the hearts of masses. This would bring about a revolution in their minds and concepts, ideologies and thoughts, goals and objectives, values and priorities so that their inner is completely changed. In the human world, this inner psychological change and a personal or individual revolution precedes a worldwide revolution. So, highlighting the greatness of the Qur’ān, he says:

chōn bajān dar raft jān dīgar shawad

jān chōn dīgar shud jahān dīgar shawad! [38]

Dr. Isrār Aḥmad says:

            “Absolute and full focus of the first stage for the struggle of an Islamic Revolution, i.e., Da‘vat-o-Tablīgh is the Qur’ān. It is the means to disseminate sermons and advice, cautioning and apprizing (Inzār-o- Tabshīr), reminding and persuasion (Tadhkīr-o-Talqīn) and it is the Qur’ānic teaching that constitutes first stage of a struggle towards the Islamic Revolution. ” [39]

            Describing the stages of the Revolution Dr. Isrār Aḥmad advocates that firstly the masses be annexed to accumulate manpower who should bear the violent stresses. Once sufficient strength to upturn the vice is gained, they should rise to strike it. [40]

The scenario stated by Dr. Isrār Aḥmad can be seen in this verse of ‘Allāma Iqbāl:

bā nasha-e-darveshī dar sāz-o-damā dam zan

chōn pukhtah shavī khud rā bar salṭanat-e-jam zan [41]

 Isrār Aḥmad holds the view that unless power is secured, the Islamic Community must tie down its hands, i.e., it must avoid confrontation. [42]

The same view is conveyed by ‘Allāma Iqbāl in the following verses:

nālah hae bulbul-e-shorīdah terā khām abhī,

Apney sīney mein isey aur zara thām abhī! [43]

Renaissance of Islām

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad in his article “Islām kī Nasha’t-e-Thāniyah mein tadrīj aur uskey taqāḍey” writes:

            “From the Qur’ānic injunctions big or small and through Aḥadīth-e-Nabaviyah(SAWS), it has been clearly emphasized that before the Doom’s Day, Allāh’s Dīn will dominate Allāh’s territory with the same dignity it had prevailed fourteen hundred years ago. This time the domination will surround the whole planet earth and the entire humankind will be enlightened with the light of monotheism virtually. [44]

            The above narrative of Dr. Isrār Aḥmad is said in the following verses of ‘Allāma Iqbāl:

āsmān hoga sehr key nūr sey āe’na posh,

aur ẓulmat rāt kī sīmāb pā ho jā’ey gī ,

phir dilon ko yād ā jā’ey gā paeghām-e-sajūd,

phir jabīn khāk-e-ḥaram sey āshna ho jā’ey gī,

shab gurezān hogīākhir jalwa-e- khurshīd sey,

yeh chaman m‘amōr ho gā naghma-e-tauḥīd sey! [45]

            With reference to this last episode, ‘Allāma Iqbāl has conveyed a very promising message to the Ummah which reveals that he was not an interpreter of the Qur’ān alone but of the Ḥadīth too. A majority of ṣufīs and mullahs of today are far away from the true Islamic Spirit and its realities. The true Islām that threatens Satan has been said in latter’s own words through following verses of Iqbāl:

hae mujh ko khaṭar koi tou is ummat sey hae,

jis kī khākstar mein hae ab tak sharār-e-ārzō,

Khāl khāl is qaum mein ab tak naẓar ātey haen woh,

kartey haen ashk-e-sehr gāhī sey jo ẓālim wuḍō

jantā hae, jis pe roshan bātin ayyām hae,

muzdakiyat fitna fardā nahi Islām hae [46]

            Both Dr. Isrār Aḥmad and ‘Allāma Iqbāl believed that the real challenge faced by Satan is that of ISLĀM.

‘Allāma Iqbāl’s Craze for the Qur’ān and Dr. Isrār Aḥmad

            Iqbāl’s life is highly influenced by the words of Allāh; he was never so fascinated by any personality or any other book. Syed Abu’l-Ḥasan ‘Alī Nadvī (d:1420A. H/1999A. D) writes:

            “Iqbāl’s faith is like a ‘New Muslim’; it has not been inherited by him from the family. That is why, he has immense attachment to the recitation or study due to his conscientious inclination, relationship and sensitization towards the Qur’ān as compared to the Muslim by generation. [47]

            ‘Allāma Iqbāl with reference to his learning of the Qur’ān has narrated an incident in that he had a routine of reciting the Qur’ān every day after Fajr prayer. Iqbāl’s father on seeing him would ask, “What are you doing?” Iqbāl used to reply, “I am reading the Qur’ān”. This practice continued for quite some days. Finally, one day Iqbāl asked, “O’Dad! You put me a question every day and I give you the same reply but then you quietly walk away. ” He replied, “I want to advise you that you should go through the Qur’ān assuming as if it is descending on you at that very point of time. ”[48]

            Since then, Iqbāl began to recite and understand the Qur’ān as if it was really descending on him.

            Iqbāl spent all his life in concentrating, meditating and pondering into the Qur’ān. Verses of ‘Allāma Iqbāl make his craze for the Qur’ān so obvious:

zamīn kiāāsmān bhī terī kaj bīnī pe rotā hae,

ghaḍab hae satr-e-Qur’ān ko chalīpa kar diā tu ne,

zubān se gar kiyā tauḥeed kā d‘awā tou kiāḥāṣil,

banāyā hae būt pindār ko apnā khudā tou ne![49]

The cause of Muslim’s downfall, he narrates in the following words:

woh zamāney mein mo‘azzaz they musalmān ho kar,

aur tum khuwār huey tārik-e- Qur’ān ho kar![50]

He defines a Muslim male in the following words:

yeh rāz kisī ko nahi m‘alōm keh momin,

qārī naẓar ātā hae ḥaqīqat mein hae Qur’ān![51]

Advising a Muslim, ‘Allāma Iqbāl says:

 Qur’ān mein ho ghotah zan aey mard-e-musalmān,

Allāh krey tujh ko ‘atā jiddat-e-kirdār![52]

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad had a deep influence on ‘Allāma Iqbāl’s understanding of the Qur’ān. In one of his articles, he writes:

            “In this era, the person of ‘Allāma Iqbāl has standing of a great symbol depicting the greatness of the Qur’ān. It is so because a comman person’s perception to believe in the Qur’ān is one aspect and believing into it with trust, confidence and full faith by a person who has wandered into the valleys of human-conscience; has filtered all the philosophies of the east and west is yet another. ”[53]

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad (d:1431A. H/2010A. D), all his life clung to the Qur’ān; established zones of dars-e-Qur’ān initially at Lāhore and later gradually in the entire Pākistān. He also arranged sessions of the Qur’ānic Translation coupled with TarāvīhPrayer; in no time these sessions of translation after Tarāvīh became a practice. [54]

            During his durōs-e-Qur’ān and lectures, Dr. Isrār Aḥmad would narrate ‘Allāma Iqbāl’s poetry admiring hisQur’ānic understanding. At a point, he writes:

            “With this live book is associated the survival of the Ummah and upon it is dependent the Ummah’s renaissance. In other words, the dependence on reliving the Muslim lies in becoming a practising Muslim which they can become through the Qur’ān alone. ” [55]

            If the writings, as well as speeches of Dr. Isrār Aḥmad, are deeply analyzed, one can infer that his thoughts are derived from the poetry of ‘Allāma Iqbāl. If the poetry of ‘Allāma Iqbāl is analysed, it is felt that he has said his verses in the light of the Qur’ān. Thus, it can be said that the true source of the thoughts of Dr. Isrār Aḥmad and of ‘Allāma Iqbāl is Holy Qur’ān.

Dr. Isrār Aḥmad and Dr. Rafī‘al-Dīn

            Dr. Rafī‘ al-Dīn (d:1368A. H/1949A. D)[56] was among the personalities who were liked the most by Dr. Isrār Aḥmad as the latter believed that the philosophy of Iqbāl was well conceived and delivered by Dr. Rafī‘ al-Dīn. [57]

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad, in his book Da‘vat Rujū‘ ilā al-Qur’ān kā Manẓar-o-Pasmanẓar writes :

            “When I met the great fan of ‘Allāma Iqbāl and the writer of Ḥikmat-e-Iqbāl, Dr. Rafī‘ al-Dīn, we both felt as if we knew each other since long and in every dialogue, the feeling was:

dekhnā taqrīr kī lazzat keh jo us ne kahā,

maen ne jānā keh goyā yeh bhī merey dil mein hae!

            For about two and half years (1967-1969 A. D), I had a close relationship with the late Dr. Sahib. At that time, my book Islām kī Nasha’t-e-Thāniyah: Karney kā aṣal kām had been published, Its word for word editing was done by Dr. Sahib and he started translation of his writing “Manifesto of Islām” for Mīthāq by himself. Hardly few of its parts had been published that it was like:

ān kadah bashakist wa ān saqī namānd [58]

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad used to admit this fact that he had gained a lot from the book Qur’ān aur ‘Ilm-e-Jadīd written by Dr. Rafī‘ al-Dīn. [59]

            Since Dr. Rafī‘ al-Dīn believed in the thoughts of ‘Allāma Iqbāl and Dr. Isrār Aḥmad was also a student of the same school of thought, there existed a common value between the two which brought them close to each other.

Maulānā Abu’l-Kalām Āzād and Maulānā Abu’l-A‘Lā Maududi

            Maulānā Abu’l-Kalām Muhiyuddīn Aḥmad Āzād (d:1378A. H/1958A. D) was an Indian Muslim scholar and a senior political leader of the Indian independence movement. He opposed the partition of India because he thought Muslims would be more powerful and dominant in a united India. Following India's independence, he became the first minister of education in the Indian government. In 1992A. D he was posthumously awarded India's highest civilian award, the Bharat Ratna. [60] He is commonly remembered as Maulānā Āzād; he had adopted Āzād (Free) as his pen name. His contribution to establishing the education foundation in India is recognised by celebrating his birthday as "National Education Day" across India. [61] As a young man, Āzād composed poetry in Urdu, as well as treatises on religion and philosophy. He rose to prominence through his work as a journalist, publishing works critical of the British Rāj and espousing the causes of Indian nationalism. Āzād became the leader of the Khilāfat Movement, during which he came into close contact with the Indian leader Mahātma Gāndhī. Āzād became an enthusiastic supporter of Gāndhī's ideas of non-violent civil disobedience, and worked to organise the non-cooperation movement in protest of the 1919A. D Rowlatt Acts. Āzād committed himself to Gāndhī's ideals, including promoting Swādeshī (indigenous) products and the cause of Swarāj (Self-rule) for India. In 1923A. D, at an age of 35, he became the youngest person to serve as the President of the Indian National Congress. Āzād was one of the main organisers of the Dharasana Satyagraha in 1931A. D, and emerged as one of the most important national leaders of the time, prominently leading the causes of Hindu-Muslim unity as well as espousing secularism and socialism. [62] He served as Congress president from 1940A. D to 1945A. D, during which the Quit India rebellion was launched. Āzād was imprisoned, together with the entire Congress leadership, for three years. Āzād became the most prominent Muslim opponent of the demand for a separate Muslim state of Pākistān and served in the interim national government. Amidst communal turmoil following the partition of India, he worked for religious harmony. As India's Education Minister, Āzād oversaw the establishment of a national education system with free primary education and modern institutions of higher education. He is also credited with the establishment of the Indian Institutes of Technology and the foundation of the University Grants Commission, an important institution to supervise and advance the higher education in the nation. [63]

Maulānā Abu’l-Kalām Āzād and Dr. Isrār Aḥmad

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad with reference to Maulānā Abu’l-Kalām Āzād comments in writing:

            “Maulānā Abu’l-Kalām Āzād died his natural death in 1958A. D but his conceptual demise had taken place in 1921-22A. D as that Abu’l-Kalām with whom I had my attachment, i. e. Abu’l-Kalām of Al- Hilāl, and Al-Balāgh for whom Shaikh al-Hind had generously remarked, “This young man has made us revive our forgotten lesson”; his left over mission was taken over by Maulānā Abu’l-a‘la Maudūdī and thus made him deceased right in his life-time. Yet, the desire to see him in his life time remained ever there and it could not materialize because of the remoteness between the two countries until he parted in 1958A. D. [64]

            Although Dr. Isrār Aḥmad did not meet Maulānā Āzād, yet he must availed his Qur’ānic thinking. In Al-Hilāl and Al-balāgh, Maulānā Āzād has discussed the Qur’ānic message of Jihād and Inqalāb and Dr. Isrār Aḥmad digested it well.

Interaction of Syed Abu’l-a‘la Maudūdī with Dr. Isrār Aḥmad

Brief events of Syed Maudūdī’s Life

            Syed Maudūdī was born in 1903 A. D(1321 A. H). He hailed from the family linked with Ahl-e-Bait. His father Syed Aḥmad Ḥasan was an advovcate but his mind was inclined and usually inspired by the sufiism and Piety. Syed Maudūdīwas brought up in the same environment. He happened to study innumerable books on Arabic Literature, Genesis, Ḥadīth, Concept and Logic. At the age of 15, he started working as a Journalist. In 1933 A. D (1451 A. H), when he took over as Editor of Monthly Tarjumān al-Qur’ān, he set its goal: Rise with the invitation of Qur’ān and dominate the world over. In his youth, he wrote high calibre books, like Pardah, Islāmī tahzīb aur uskey usūlwa mubādi, Tahrīk-e-Āzādi-e-Hind aur Musalmān and Dīnyāt. He was only 25 at the time when he compiled Al Jihād fil Islām. ‘Allāma Iqbāl, in 1937A. D, called Syed Maudūdī to Lāhore. In 1941 A. D (1360A. H), Syed Maudūdī established Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī and was appointed as its first Amīr. [65]

            Syed Maudūdī stayed as Amīr-e-Jamā‘at until 1979A. D. In that year, his son Dr. Aḥmad Farūq Maudūdī took him to Amreica for treatment where on 22^nd September, 1979A. D, he passed away in hospital at Buffalow.

 

Dr. Isrār’s Relationship

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad mentioning about his initial phase of interaction with Syed Maudūdī writes:

            My introduction to Maulānā Maudūdī began in 1945-46A. D when I was a student at high school in Ḥiṣār (Eastern Punjāb, present Haryānah, India). I, in the company of my brother Iẓhār Aḥmad, spent 2-3 days in Dār al- Islām, Pathān Kot. The memories of that time exist in my mind; few of them are worth narrating:

            “Dars-e-Qur’ān of Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī(d:1418A. H/1997A. D) used to be held after Fajar prayer in a stiff air not only amidst literary fervor and sobriety but in a state of reservation and decor. On the other hand, Syed Maudūdī used to deliver Dars-e-Ḥadiīth after Zuhur prayer in a pleasant atmosphere coupled with a tinge of occasional satire and humor. However, meeting Syed Maudūdī was not so easy but Maulānā Iṣlāḥī was easily accessible. While talking to Syed Maudūdī, a sense of remoteness would prevail whereas Maulānā Iṣlāḥī mixed up freely. ”[66]

            From the above excerpts, Dr. Isrār Aḥmad’s initial impressions of Syed Maudūdī are indicated and it seems that he gained from his Dars-e-Ḥadīth. As regards, inheriting from the Qur’ānic Vision of Syed Maudūdī, Dr. Isrār writes further:

            “During the crises of 1947A. D, we were confined in Ḥiṣār due to the frequent raids by Hindus. In those days, my brother Iẓhār Aḥmad and I, in a mosque, used to study together issues of Tarjumān al-Qur’ān containing the series of Tafhīm al-Qur’ān. Genesis of Surah Yousuf was being published therein…; this was my first introduction with the Qur’ānic meanings and its understanding through Tafhīm ofSurah Yousuf. It will never be a fallacy to say that the inbuilt taste and sweatness of Surah Yousuf as is said like:

dhikr us prī wash kā aur phir bayān apnā!

            Syed Maudūdī’s style of interpreting and understanding ofQur’ān played an important role in establishing my links and ties with the Qur’ān for which I shall remain indebted to Syed Maudūdī all my life. ”[67]

            Dr. Isrār openly accepts that he was introduced to the meanings and interpretation of the Qur’ān through Syed Maudūdī. The style of his writing was very attractive to conquer the hearts of people. The genesis of Tafhīm al-Qur’ān played a basic role in diverting Dr. Isrār’s thought towards the Qur’ān.

            Besides the genesis, other writings by Syed Maudūdī impressed Dr. Isrār; he engraved his speeches in his heart and mind; so he writes:

            “During two years of my F. Sc, I worked with zeal and fervor in Ḥalqa-e-Hamdardan of Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī, Krishan Nagar, Lāhore…; I used to organize weekly get-to-gathers to read out the speeches of Syed Maudūdī. In those days, Radio Pākistān was broadcasting five speeches of Maulānā on “Islām kā Niẓām-e-Ḥayāt” which we used to listen along with others in the form of a session while sitting on the mats laid out in Chowk of Krishan Nagar. Perhaps in April 1948A. D, first public meeting in Pākistān under arrangements of Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī was held on the ground of Khālṣah High School, Mohnī Road Lāhore where for the first time I heard directly the detailed speeches by Syed Maudūdīand Maulānā Iṣlāḥī. Syed Maudūdī spoke on Mutālba Niẓām-e-Islāmīand Maulānā Iṣlāḥī on Āzādī key Islāmī Taqāḍey. During the 2-3 hour speeches of these two elders, their images were captured by the camera of my eyes and stored on the film of my mind until this day. ”[68]

            The imprints of Syed Maudūdī’s writings and speeches on the later part of Dr. Isrār’s life were evident. It would not be wrong to say that Dr. Isrār learned the art of persuasion through reasoning from Syed Maudūdī (d:1399A. H/1979 A. D).

            Narrating an interesting event of a joint training camp conducted by Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī and Syed Maudūdī, Dr. Isrār Aḥmad writes:

            “I cannot recall correctly whether this incident took place in the training camp of December, 1951A. D or in the Summer Camp of 1952A. D but it is very interesting and worth mentioning. Its background is that the writings by Syed Maudūdī in Tafhīmāt on the Darwinian Doctrine of Evolution were not to my liking; so I discussed it with Syed Maudūdīin the class and obtained his view point on it in greater detail. Thereafter, I discussed the same with Maulānā Iṣlāḥī and found him convinced to an extent about Doctrine of Evolution; it was from here that my ‘mischief’ came into play. I used to receive the Qur’ānic reasoning and evidence daily from Maulānā Iṣlāḥī in favor of Doctrine of Evolution and then on the basis of the same used to reason out with Maulānā Maudūdī. Maulānā would get impressed by my “Qur’ānic knowledge”, appreciate it and then also give out his reservations on it. Next day, I would present the same reservations in front of Maulānā Iṣlāḥī who felt pleasantly surprised and gave out futher arguments in support of his stance. Other participants in the training class used to listen the discussions with amusement and had a broad smile on my “Borrowed Qur’ānic Knowledge”. This practice continued quite for few days and I feel, it also became the subject of discussion in Jamā‘at-Centre. There, the cat was out of the bag to know as to what was the reality, i. e. the discussion was not with the student but in reality it was between Syed Maudūdīand Maulānā Iṣlāḥī through Isrār”. [69]

            The motive of copying down the above caption at length is to clarify how Dr. Isrār Aḥmad in his youth had been gaining from Syed Maudūdī and Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī. In 1952-53A. D, Dr. Isrār was appointed as Nāẓim-e-A‘lā Pākistān of ‘Islāmī Jamī‘at Talaba’; this made him further close to Syed Maudūdī and he received complete training in the organizational as well as administrative matters, so he writes:

            “I was elected as “All Pākistān Nāẓim-e-A‘lā” of Jamī‘at for the following year (1952-53); this way the center of Jamī‘at was shifted back to Lāhore and I also got an opportunity to get nearer to Syed Maudūdī. I used to present myself before him for consultation and guidance on various organizational and administrative issues and thus there was no barrier in between…; Moulānā led a very disciplined life and not only observed himself punctuality during his working hours but would insist on compliance from others too, yet his door remained always open for me. So much so that once I approached him along with some of my companions at 11 O’clock in the night and Maulānā gave his audience to us in his bedroom. ” [70]

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad discussed freely various issues with Syed Maudūdī. Once, Syed Maudūdī emphasized saying, “I want all of you to participate fully in the activities of inviting and motivating people on one hand and also never lag behind in pursuit of the knowledge on the other hand but excel other students in this field as well. ”[71] Dr. Isrār Aḥmad had his difference with him and termed this demand of Syed Maudūdī as unpracticable. On this, Syed Maudūdī not only accepted his mistake with a open mind but frankly admitted saying, “My own position is that since activation of Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī publically, my study is disrupted and I am pulling on with the store of my previous knowledge. ” [72]

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad stating the effect of the above words writes:

            “It is a fact that these words of Maulānā are engraved on the slate of my mind as they have played a decisive role in determining the direction of my own future life. I, thus, accorded secondary importance to my worldly career or profession but conscientiously, not half-heartedly, kept the religious struggle to establish Dīn and its invitation at the top as my foremost priority; in doing so, the words of Maulānā had an essential effect. ”[73]

            In 1953A. D, during “Anti Qādiyānī Tahrīk”, Syed Maudūdī was arrested. He displayed an exemplary determination and steadfastness which greatly impressed Dr. Isrār Aḥmad; so he writes:

            “As long as the hearing of the case continued in Lāhore Central Jail, I kept visiting there daily. Besides hearing the proceedings, I used to look him up deriving energy and encouragement for my own passion on watching his patience and calmness. [74]

            Dr. Isrār benefited fully from Syed Maudūdī as long as he remained associated with Islāmī Jamī‘at Talaba and then Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī. After separation from Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī, whatever practical steps he took with reference to his religious pursuits in his later part of life either for Anjuman Khuddām al-Qur’ān or Tanẓīm-e-Islāmī had a visible effect of Syed Maudūdī’s concepts and his upbringing. Although there occurred a gap between the thinking of Syed Maudūdī and Dr. Isrār, yet the latter always remembered Syed Maudūdīas his mentor. Particularly with reference to Qur’ānic Vision, Dr. Isrār openly used to say:

            “With him, true relationship of my heart and mind was established by virtue of Tafhīm al-Qur’ān” [75]

            In Durōs-e-Qur’ān of Dr. Isrār, the Qur’ānic Vision of Syed Maudūdī is reflected conspicuously.

Maulānā Ḥameed Al-Deen Farāhi and Maulānā Amin Aḥsan Iṣlāḥi

Maulānā Ḥamīd al-Dīn Farāhī

            He was born in a village Phareha of A‘ẓam Garh in 1280A. H/1863A. D. Maulānā learned HolyQur’ān by heart at the age of ten. At the age of 14 he started learning Arabic books and learnt most of the books ofDars-e-Niẓāmī from his cousin ‘Allāma Shiblī. Maulānā Farāhī served in ‘Alī Garh college and Ilāhābād college as a teacher and also worked as a head teacher in Ḥaiderābād Dakkan college. [76]

Students: The prominent students of Maulānā Farāhī are Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī(d:1418A. H/1997A. D), Maulānā Manāẓir Aḥsan Gilānī(d:1375A. H/1956A. D), MaulānāḤifẓ al-Raḥmān Seohārvī, Maulānā ‘Abd al-Mājid Dariābādī(d:1397A. H/1977A. D)and Maulānā Abu’l-Ḥasan ‘Alī Nadvī(d:1420A. H/1999A. D).[77]

             Maulānā Farāhī died in 1349A. H/1930A. D. at Mithrā which is at a distance of 145K. M from Delhi. [78]

Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī

            Maulānā Iṣlāḥī was born in 1322A. H/1904A. D at Bamhur, a small village in A‘ẓam Garh, India. After graduating from Madrassah al-iṣlāḥ in A‘ẓam Garh in 1922 A.D, he entered the field of journalism. It was sometime in 1925A. D when Farāhī offered Iṣlāḥī to come and study the Qur’ān with him. It was in this forming period of his life in which he learnt from Farāhī the principles of direct deliberations in the book of Allāh. Iṣlāḥī was the founder member of the Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī, a religious party founded by the eminent Islamic scholar Syed Maudūdī in 1941A. D. In1958A. D he abandoned the party. Maulānā Iṣlāḥī died in 1418A. H/1997A. D. He wrote many books. Tadabbur-e-Qur’ān is very popular Tafsīr written by him.

Students: Khalid Mas‘ūd(d:1424A. H/2003A. D), Javaid Aḥmad Ghāmdī and Dr. Isrār Aḥmad(d:1431A. H/2010A. D)are the prominent students of Maulānā Iṣlāḥī. [79]

Relationship of Dr. Isrār Aḥmad with Maulānā Farāhī and Maulānā Iṣlāḥī:

            Referring to his interaction with Maulānā Ḥamīd al-Dīn Farāhī, Dr. Isrār Aḥmad writes that he did not even know Maulānā’s name until perhaps 1953-54A. D. Later, when I was introduced to him through Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī and also came across his scripts besides the events of his life, I realized that truly he was a great person who quietly set an altogether new discourse in the field of pondering into the Qur’ān with wisdom and vision and passed away. Dr. Isrār Aḥmad says that the configuration of his personality that emerges in his visualization greatly resembles with that of Socrates. A wise, genius, noble and pious person who was indifferent to the praise and admiration or criticism and condemning by others; either deeply absorbed into the silent but thoughtful meditation or giving sermons mildly in the form of dialogue to his few pupils just like an elder who holds a toddler by the finger to make him learn how to walk. Dr. Isrār considers himself fortunate enough to have close proximity with his competent student (Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī) if not with Ḥakīm Farāhī. [80]

            Dr. Isrār Aḥmad has mentioned his relationship with Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī in greater detail in his book Da‘vat Rujū‘ ilā al-Qur’ān kā Manẓar-o-Pasmanẓar; he writes that like MaulānāMaudūdī his association with Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī began in 1947A. D but until 1951A. D, it remained absolutely one-sided, i.e., it was to the extent of listening to his speeches or dars. Later, in the evening of November 1951A. D, I delivered my first public speech (which forms an important part of invitation literature of Jamā‘at) in the Third Congregational Gathering chaired by Maulānā at YMCA Hall, Lāhore. Maulānā admired this speech whole heartedly and it was from here that one-sided relationship became two-sided. In December 1951A. D and July 1952A. D, I participated in the training camps of Jamī‘at Talaba in the capacity of Nāẓim and Maulānā as Teacher or Caretaker; this made the relationship deeper and closer. Later in the next four years, informal meetings further set the association. In 1956A. D, during a meeting of Majlis-e-Shūrā of Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī, Maulānā endorsed my statement of descent pertaining to the policies of Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī. In 1958A. D, when Maulānā said farewell to Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī and started with long series of consultations on the idea of some reconstruction, I stood continuously with him. In December 1958A. D, having been discouraged due to the continuous failures of the consultations, I moved to Karāchī on the invitation of Dr. Mas‘ūd al-Dīn Ḥasan Uthmānī without prior intimation to Maulānā; so with all the love he complained in the form of a letter. In 1959A. D, thinking that on the basis of mere previous relationship, reconstruction may not be possible without elucidating the details of a conceptual heritage, Maulānā initiated the issuance of Monthly Mīthāq and I was on the list of the its first promoters. I continued my utmost support later too. On the other side, due to the illness of father and on return from Karāchī, I established an Islamic Hostel at Mintgomery (present Sāhīwāl) in 1960A. H. , also introduced Ḥalqah-e-Muṭāli‘a-e-Qur’ān and Maulānā extended whole-hearted support in all the projects. He wrote a favorable note in Mīthāq on proposal of the Hostel; undertook tiresome journey twice to Sāhīwāl on the invitation of Ḥalqah-e-Muṭāli‘a-e-Qur’ān Mintgomery.

            I spent about four years (1962-65A. D) at Karāchī and during this period, I remained in contact with Maulānā. In the meantime, Maulānā accompanied by few other friends introduced Majlis Da‘vat-o-Iṣlāḥ but it neither progressed further nor any framework of the collective task could take any shape. On being discouraged by it, Maulānā personally established a circle of Tadabbur-e-Qur’ān with a view to focusing all his attentions on grooming a handfal of young men. Maulānā’s contacts with other companions became too weak to maintain further; resultantly working on Mīthāq came to a grinding halt. Amidst these circumstances, when I landed back again at Lāhore, Mīthāq had been ceased. First volume of the Genesis was ready but the chances of its publishing seemed remote. The young lot on whom Maulānā had worked very hard had dispersed in pursuit of their livelihood; one of them had left for England in connection with some training; yet another fellow had been transferred to Dhācah and a few others lost their hearts. Objective of my shifting to Lāhore was two fold; firstly, to participate in Ḥalqah-e-Tadabbur-e-Qur’ān and be Maulānā’s apprentice to learn; secondly, to endeavor for revival of genuine IslamicMovement which in my opinion had become extinct on account of a shift in the stance of Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī. On landing at Lāhore, I gathered that Maulānā was disappointed from Ḥalqah-e-Tadabbur-e-Qur’ān as well and was left with no energy to renew the effort but concentrate on editing the Genesis with all his time and effort. Thus my first objective was lost. However, being determined, the first volume of Tadabbur-e-Qur’ān was published and Maulānā instantly remarked in the presence of many friends and companions, “For it, he has been personally kind to me”. To me the actual issue was; had the first volume not published, Maulānā would not have taken up to write further and this task would remain incomplete.

            With regard to the second objective, I, first of all, on persuasion and cooperation by Late MaulvīMuhiyuddīn Salafī, published my statement of descent titled Taḥrīk Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī: Aik Tahqīqī Muṭāli‘ah. Later, to begin with, an organized way of inviting people, I secured a declaration of a monthly Al-Risālah. On knowing this, Maualana said, “Instead of initiating a new magazine, take over Mīthāq as I cannot maintain it; its title will be established if you continue its publication. ” So, in August 1966A. D, I took over as Editor of Mīthāq under the supervision of Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī. For ten years, i. e. from 1958A. D to 1968A. D, I remained wholly souly associated with Maulānā Iṣlāḥī but since 1968A. D at the age of approximately 36, decided to set my independent discourse. However, Allāh be praised! I did not dissociate myself with my past. On one hand, I put in all my efforts on the Cicrcles of Muṭāli‘a-e-Qur’ān and by means of the same, propagated that revolutionary invitation of the Qur’ān which was first initiated during current century by Maulānā Abu’ l-Kalām Āzād in the sub-continent. Its continuity was maintained by Maulānā Abu’l-A‘laMaudūdī and on the other end through Dār-al-Ishā‘at al-Islāmiaall the means and resources were invested in Tadabbur-e-Qur’ān founded by Maulānā Ḥamīd al-Dīn Farāhī and illustrated by Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī. By then, since I was not bound to follow a single track, so I commenced to open up my other faculty of thought. Effective 1968A. D, besides Ifādāt-e-Farāhī and Tadabbur-e-Qur’ān, other literature like the late Maulānā Sindhī key Tadhkarey”, “Manshōr-e-Isālm” by late Dr. Rafī‘ al-Dīn(d:1368A. H/1949A. D), “Rabbāniah la Rahbāniah” by Maulānā Abu’l-Ḥasan ‘Alī Nadvi(d:1420A. H/1999A. D) and articles like “Ḥaqīqat-e-Taṣawwuf” and “Tārīkh Taṣawwuf-e-Islāmī” by Professor Yousuf Salīm Chishtī found place in Mīthāq. This alone became the first cause of mind aggravation from my side towards Maulānā Iṣlāḥī, as he would remark openly, “I consider Taṣawwuf a misguidance in totality”. This made Maulānā to advise me affectionately, “Dear! I foresee two of my apprehensions with respect to your person; firstly, you are extremely intelligent and secondly, you have an inbuilt inclination towards Taṣawwuf!” I laughingly kept evading it, and it was Maulānā’s love and affection that despite high headedness of some pupils he continued enduring it.

            During 1970-71A. D, Maulānā fell ill and his illness was aggravated to a serious extent. On the other end, Circles of Muṭāli‘a-e-Qur’ānī became vast increasing its supporters and the well wishers. Thus, quite naturally, need was felt to establish a regular institution by which at least the financial aspects may be controlled. This necessitated to decide the establishment of “Markazī Anjuman Khuddām al-Qur’ān Lāhore”. Much earlier than this, I had arrived at a final conclusion that in any religious organization, acivity of Shūrāiyat (consultations) should not be based on the democratic lines as rightly said by late ‘Allāma Iqbāl:

“bandōn ko ginā kartey haen tolah nahi kartey”

            Instead, it should be in harmony with Niẓām-e-Amārat of Islām whereby an Amīr (senior head) is not only a constitutional head but a fellow in command (to be obeyed). So I declared my stance witout any fear or favor both in writing as well as through my addresses by chalking out a proposed constitutional layout of the Anjuman. Allāh willing! As soon as this layout was published in Mīthāq, Maulānā’s health by the grace of Allāh was restored. As soon as he learnt about the layout, he went crossed, because there was a gulf of difference of opinion between the two of us. Consequently, the two way pleasant relationship that had continued for twenty four years suffered a breakdown. Some of the friends tried to resolve it but I declared plainly that it was my considered opinion and any change in it can occur through reasoning only but I will not force myself to change on account mere respect or reverence. Thus, there began a split like: “Hadha Firāqun Bainī wa Bainak!” As a first step, it was decided that the caption “Under supervision of Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī” on the cover page of Mīthāq should be deleted. However, it was Maulānā’s greatness that despite all this our personal relationship continued along with partial cooperation.

            In March 1974A. D, series of Annual Qur’ān Conferences of Anjuman Khuddām al-Qur’ān commenced in which I extended invitations to scholars belonging to evey school of thought for chairing or addressing the gatherings. A majority of them kindly and graciously accepted the invitation. This aspect also became yet another cause of remoteness between Maulānā and me. His contention was, “Why to place these Maulvis on our head? We are to reject their ideas and concepts. ” I took this too unheard as well, yet I felt that Maulānā’s temper was becoming increasingly bitter.

            In July 1974A. D, I declared that it was the right time that this small Taḥrīk-e-Islāmī which was started by Da‘vat Rujū‘ ilā al-Qur’ān with its first organizational structure as Anjuman Khuddām al-Qur’ān must step forward to the next organizational phase to establish an association based on solid religious principles. Its structure in my mind was the same as decided in the session of Raḥīm Yār Khān. Therefore, in Mīthāq issues of September, October and November 1974A. D, I published my speech of July 1974A. D as well as the outline plan of 1967A. D along with my editorial.

            On that occasion, I presented myself before Maulānā, the gist of what he said is as under:

            “I got the magazine yesterday and went through it the same night until 2 a. m under the lantern light; you have rightly indicated the direction and also fixed the action plan but it is an uphill task to accomplish and a great responsibility to shoulder. It is a fact that I was left with no determination to do it but now that you have undertaken the onus, I never want that you should fail in it but sincerely pray for your success. It is so because I am certainly not one of those who neither can do the work themselves nor let others do it…………”

            It was due to this encouraging attitude of Maulānā that I dared to constitute a Ḥalqah Mustashārīn’ when a regular establishment of Tanẓīm-e-Islāmī and its constitution came into being. On verbally hearing about it, Maulānā had said to Shaikh Jamīl al-Raḥmān and other few friends at Karāchī, “You have taken a very right decision and I would extend my services rather willingly. ” However, when a properly written layout reached him, he declined to join in. Thereafter, I kept meeting him for about a year or so. In January 1976A. D, at the start of constructing Qur’ān Academy, program of congregational invocation was made, and an invitation to join in was extended to Maulānā me which he graciously accepted. He arrived but later some of the companions conveyed the words of Maulānā, “I had no mind at all to participate but I could not decline when he invited me and joined it under compulsion”. My actual difficulty was that I used to frequently meet him, thus owed a moral obligation to invite him on such occasions otherwise it would amount to cessation of the relationship from my end.

            Amidst this scenario, I sent another invitation in March 1976A. D to Maulānā for joining Third Annual Qur’ān Conference. As before, it was also accepted but later declined on the insistance of some of his friends and students. This, in other words, proved to be the last straw on the camel’s back and I decided not to meet him again to alleviate any embarrassment occurring because of me. Thus, the warm relationship that had continued for a full quarter century came to an end. Later, with a gradual decline in the ties for a long five years, the situation was like:

bas itnā sa t‘alluq ab un sey raeh gia hae,

Woh mujh ko jāntey haen maen unko jānta hun![81]

            In the above lines, the relationship of Dr. Isrār Aḥmad both with Maulānā Ḥamīd al-Dīn Farāhī and Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī has been described in his own words. As regards Maulānā Ḥamīd al-Dīn Farāhī, he had passed away about one and a half years before birth of Dr. Isrār Aḥmad, therefore, latter could not directly gain from him but Dr. Isrār immensely liked hisQur’ānic Discipline. During daura Tarjuma-e-Qur’ān and in his durōs, Dr. Isrār made full use of Maulānā Farāhī’s thoughts. Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī was amongst the most favorite students of Maulānā Farāhī. His genesis Tadabbur-e-Qur’ān was distilled from the thoughts of his teacher. Dr. Isrār had the opportunity for complete twentyfive years to benefit from Maulānā Iṣlāḥī and he made full use of the same. Out of Urdu Geneses, Dr. Isrār liked Tadabbur-e-Qur’ān the most and as such he had adopted theQur’ānic thoughts of Maulānā Iṣlāḥī adorably. Although at places, he differed with him too, e. g. Punishment of Stoning to Death (Rajam) or Jurisdiction of Amīr in an Islāmic Organization, yet Dr. Isrār was a great admirer of Tadabbur-e- Qur’ān. On 22^nd March, 2002A. D During a meeting with Dr. Isrār, he emphatically advised me to study Tadabbur-e- Qur’ān deeply; this will greatly help in understanding the Qur’ānic Discipline. Refering to the writings of Maulānā Iṣlāḥī, Dr. Isrār Aḥmad writes at a place:

            “About Maulānā’s writings, it was generally well known in the circles of Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī that these were difficult and dry scripts. By the grace of Almighty, with my mind involvement into the Qur’ān, I faced neither any difficulty nor dryness in the same. I went through all of Maulānā’s writings but two of his scripts were immensely loved by me, firstly: ‘Da‘vat-e-Dīn aur us kā Tarīqa-e-Kār’ and secondly: Tadabbur-e-Qur’ān (published and available now as Mubādī Tadabbur-e-Qur’ān). By studying all these writings of Maulānā, a new dimension of relationship with the Qur’ān beyond any doubt dawned upon me. Later around 1954A. D, when the translation by Maulānā in the form of Majmū‘ah Tafāsīr-e-Farāhī was published, I had the access to the very genuine source oforigin of School of Thought onQur’ānic Genesis; Allāh be praised!” [82]

            From the above excerpts, it is quite evident that Maulānā Ḥamīd al-Dīn Farāhī and Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī had cast deep imprints on the thoughts of Dr. Isrār Aḥmad. Dr. Isrār’s decision to defect Jamā‘at-e-Islāmī was in fact as a consequence of a deep study of Maulānā Iṣlāḥī’s concepts and thoughts by him.

            At a point in his book “Maulānā Maudūdī Marhūm Aur Maen”, Dr. Isrār Aḥmad writes:

In the summer vacation of 1952A. D, I as per saying:

“Musharraf garcheh shud jāmī zaltafash

KhudāyāĀn Karam Bārey Digar Kun!”

            In order to repeat and revive the pleasant memories of the Training Camp of December 1951A. D, I organized another training session and once again received dars-e- Qur’ān of Maulānā Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī; learned the principles and basics ofTadabbur-e-Qur’ān and attended lectures on Mind Purification (Tazkiah-e-Nafs). ”[83]

            The above notes of Dr. Isrār Aḥmad elucidate that he also gained from Maulānā Iṣlāḥī through the Training Camps.